The bye election results are out and the congress-apart from mayawati-is the decisive winner. pramod kumar analyses how the GOP can now dictate terms to recalcitrant allies
The coalition experience for the Congress Party during the last Lok Sabha was a tightrope walk. Regional satraps like Laloo Prasad Yadav, Ram Vilas Paswan or T. R. Balu always kept the Congress leadership on tenterhooks. Many a times, these leaders created political trouble for the government to get their demands fulfilled. However, the dice rolled in favour of the Congress during the 15th Loksabha. None of the allies are in a position of tough political bargaining. The Congress leadership feels political arithmetic is in its favour and that there is no need to face tantrums of NCP or DMK.
Political relationship between the Congress and DMK soured at the time of the formation of the government. Karunanidhi had wanted key portfolios such as telecom, surface transport, health and home. He had even stayed in Delhi for three days. However, after three rounds of discussions, he got the hint that his demands were not commensurate with DMK's strength in Parliament. He was even reminded of Ramadoss' confrontation with the AIIMS director, how he had kept pending files that would have increased seats of nursing and dental colleges and how it had maligned the image of UPA. The Congress leadership gave the Telecom portfolio to DMK and even accommodated Azagiri. An offended Karunanidhi returned to Chennai. He did not attend the oath ceremony. Now, he does not even pick calls of any Congress leader except those of Ghulam Nabi Azad. A bigger blow for DMK arrived when the Congress leadership decided to go it alone in the Assembly polls in Tamil Nadu.
DMK is mainly unhappy, though it was given the telecom ministry, as it was made clear that no DMK minister will not be able to take any policy decision. A group of five ministers was appointed under the stewardship of Union finance minister Pranab Mukherjee which will take policy decisions pertaining to these ministries. This clearly meant that the government denied a free hand to DMK ministers like Ramadoss or Balu had enjoyed in their earlier innings. The helplessness of these ministers can be gauged by the fact that nine bureaucrats from PMO and the National Security Advisor can also intervene in functioning of any of these ministries. According to reliable sources, the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) has a keen eye on nine cases involving the ministry of road and surface transport, 23 cases in the health ministry and 18 cases in the telecom ministry. The matter of spectrum allocation during the tenure of A. Raja in the last UPA government is already on the CVC radar. Government agencies are also trying to decipher how money allocated to Balu's ministry evaporated during his tenure. Ghulam Nabi Azad has been called upon to restore AIIMS to its glory days.
The coalition experience for the Congress Party during the last Lok Sabha was a tightrope walk. Regional satraps like Laloo Prasad Yadav, Ram Vilas Paswan or T. R. Balu always kept the Congress leadership on tenterhooks. Many a times, these leaders created political trouble for the government to get their demands fulfilled. However, the dice rolled in favour of the Congress during the 15th Loksabha. None of the allies are in a position of tough political bargaining. The Congress leadership feels political arithmetic is in its favour and that there is no need to face tantrums of NCP or DMK.
Political relationship between the Congress and DMK soured at the time of the formation of the government. Karunanidhi had wanted key portfolios such as telecom, surface transport, health and home. He had even stayed in Delhi for three days. However, after three rounds of discussions, he got the hint that his demands were not commensurate with DMK's strength in Parliament. He was even reminded of Ramadoss' confrontation with the AIIMS director, how he had kept pending files that would have increased seats of nursing and dental colleges and how it had maligned the image of UPA. The Congress leadership gave the Telecom portfolio to DMK and even accommodated Azagiri. An offended Karunanidhi returned to Chennai. He did not attend the oath ceremony. Now, he does not even pick calls of any Congress leader except those of Ghulam Nabi Azad. A bigger blow for DMK arrived when the Congress leadership decided to go it alone in the Assembly polls in Tamil Nadu.
DMK is mainly unhappy, though it was given the telecom ministry, as it was made clear that no DMK minister will not be able to take any policy decision. A group of five ministers was appointed under the stewardship of Union finance minister Pranab Mukherjee which will take policy decisions pertaining to these ministries. This clearly meant that the government denied a free hand to DMK ministers like Ramadoss or Balu had enjoyed in their earlier innings. The helplessness of these ministers can be gauged by the fact that nine bureaucrats from PMO and the National Security Advisor can also intervene in functioning of any of these ministries. According to reliable sources, the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) has a keen eye on nine cases involving the ministry of road and surface transport, 23 cases in the health ministry and 18 cases in the telecom ministry. The matter of spectrum allocation during the tenure of A. Raja in the last UPA government is already on the CVC radar. Government agencies are also trying to decipher how money allocated to Balu's ministry evaporated during his tenure. Ghulam Nabi Azad has been called upon to restore AIIMS to its glory days.
dedicated merely two lines to Romania Cinema, one of which emphasised that the Communist nation had “produced some interesting cartoons but in the field of feature film there has been little of importance.” Now every critic worth his salt can tell you that in critics’ lexicon, ‘Little’ means “even if there was a bit, I didn’t notice it.”
Faced with Tamil opposition, Bandaranaike attempted compromise solutions, but the forces of reaction that he unleashed devoured him. On September 25, 1959, he was assassinated by a Buddhist monk in his residence. The assassin represented powerful forces – Buddhist monks, teachers and disgruntled politicians. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the “weeping widow” as she was called, came to power on a racist platform and went further in her acts of discrimination against the Tamils.
had used obscene language against her). I shall quote the final paragraph of that memorable letter: “….. Be that as it may, it is my earnest and sincere hope that with all the knowledge and deep understanding of human affairs, you, as President of the United States and reflecting the will, the aspirations and idealism of the great American people, will at least let me know where precisely we have gone wrong before representatives or spokesmen deal with us with such harshness of language.” Richard Nixon did not reply.
for commercial release, unless reversed by the Centre, will go down as the blackest day in Indian history for its impact on India’s food security, health, farming and environment. We, who are well conversant with the details of the appraisal of the Mahyco-Monsanto safety dossier by four world renowned scientists (Seralini, Carman, Heinemann & Gurian-Sherman), shudder to imagine the extent of the disaster that will unfold. Seralini, of Crigen France, did major assessments for the EU of various Monsanto Bt corn products. These were subsequently banned for planting in most EU countries. He says that Mahyco’s own dossier of rat feeding studies shows worrying results both clinically and statistically, on various parameters of health, in the blood, in the cells and organs of animals being tested. Bt brinjal is toxic and its release must be forbidden. No long-term feeding studies for chronic toxicity have been conducted. The inescapable conclusion of these feeding studies of Mahyco is that they have been ‘engineered’ or designed to throw up ‘no significant differences’.
went for trials and the chairman of the selection committee, Dr Thimmappaiaha, a medical doctor, was worried about my safety. I was rejected. Later on, when I was captain for the state team, Thimmappaiaha was the chairman of the selection committee. I once asked him casually whether I had been rejected because of my lack of inches. He told me, "Yeah, that’s true. I was really worried that you would be hit.” I was very lean and short. I can imagine his fatherly feelings towards all of us.